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Amid the global pandemic of COVID19, Burundi’s elections went largely unnoticed. The civil war ended in 2005 and the country held its fourth general elections on May 20th.
The COVID 19 kept out election observers from the East African Community (EAC), the only foreign group the government accredited. The isolation suited the ruling party CNDD-FDD. When President Pierre Nkurunziza decided to stand for a third term, after the 2015 elections, it flared months of widespread protests in Burundi.
The results – announced by the electoral commission three days after the vote, as expected announced the victory of the CNDD-FDD’s candidate Evariste Ndayishimiye who claimed to have won 68% of the vote. His main rival, CNL leader Agathon Rwasa, reportedly got only 24%. Though the elections were denounced as fraudulent, no outcome is expected. Meanwhile, foreign governments may criticise the election, but they have no leverage to sway the Burundian government.
Burundi’s new president faces massive challenges ahead. He is in charge of an internationally isolated and internally fractured country. A key task will be to balance the various interests within the ruling party, his military backing and the former Presidents camp. His predecessor remains highly influential and retains several roles and titles including the Supreme Guide of Patriotism. Moreover, he had backed another candidate, the president of the national assembly Pascal Nyabenda.
He also inherits a host of problems resulting from his predecessor’s policies. Nkurunziza aroused a lot of resentment internationally by expelling senior diplomats and officials. Last month, four senior World Health Organisation officials were expelled from the country for criticising Burundi’s handling of COVID-19. Humanitarian work that provides the crucial health, education and nutritional services which the government has failed have become increasingly difficult in Burundi.
On the domestic side, thousands have fled to neighbouring countries and are internally displaced. With poverty levels at 74%, Burundi is now the third poorest country in the world. How much CNDD-FDD can continue to siphon off dwindling government revenue to appease its military and civilian elite as well as the Imbonerakure, the youth militia, is a big question. Ndayishimiye reportedly has a clean image, unlike his corrupt party members who have amassed wealth. One positive feature is that constitutional changes adopted in 2018, bestows Ndayishimiye with a seven-year term. With a political will, this should give him sufficient time to turn the country around, gradually.
